Catholicism & Orthodoxy: The Eastern Catholic Churches
Who the Eastern Catholics Are
The Eastern Catholic Churches are Christian communities that have retained the liturgical rites, theological traditions, canonical disciplines, and spiritual heritage of the Christian East while entering or remaining in full communion with the Bishop of Rome. They are not Roman Catholics who happen to use a different liturgy. They are distinct churches, with their own patriarchs or metropolitans, their own canon law (the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches, promulgated in 1990, is separate from the Latin Code of Canon Law), their own theological formation, and their own unbroken connection to the apostolic Christianity of the Middle East, Egypt, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and the Byzantine Empire.
The twenty-three Eastern Catholic churches span five liturgical families, four continents, and nearly every major branch of ancient Eastern Christianity. Some are large — the Syro-Malabar Church in India numbers over four million. Some are small — the Greek Byzantine Catholic Church has perhaps ten thousand faithful. Some have been in continuous communion with Rome from before the formal divisions of the first millennium (the Maronites claim never to have broken with Rome, a claim with some historical support). Others entered communion through formal acts of union in the sixteenth through twentieth centuries. All are recognized by Rome as full and legitimate expressions of the one Catholic faith.
The Five Liturgical Families
This variety is not cosmetic. Each liturgical family carries a distinct theological and spiritual heritage. The Byzantine tradition, by far the largest, shares the theology, liturgy, and canonical structure of the Eastern Orthodox Churches. The West Syriac tradition carries the ancient Aramaic Christian heritage of Antioch and Syria — the church that first bore the name “Christian.” The East Syriac tradition traces its roots to Mesopotamia and ultimately to the apostolic mission of St. Thomas in the East. The Alexandrian tradition is the church of St. Mark, of Athanasius, of Cyril. The Armenian tradition is the church of the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, traditionally dated to 301 AD — a decade or more before Constantine’s Edict of Milan in 313.
When a Catholic encounters the Melkite Divine Liturgy celebrated in Arabic, or attends a Syro-Malabar Mass in Kerala, or worships with Coptic Catholics in Cairo, they are not encountering exotic variants of Roman Catholicism. They are encountering the ancient Christian East in its original forms — fully apostolic, fully sacramental, fully Catholic.
The Unions at a Glance
Each of the twenty-three Eastern Catholic churches has its own story of reunion with Rome — some spanning centuries of gradual contact, others forged in a single moment of episcopal decision. The table below covers the principal churches across all five rites.
| Church | Date of Union | How the Union Came About |
|---|---|---|
| Maronite CatholicWest Syriac | Never formally separated |
The Maronites claim an unbroken communion with Rome since antiquity. Formal confirmation of that union was established with Patriarch Yuhanna al-Maron in the patriarchal era; it was recognized by the Crusader church in 1182. They are the one Eastern Catholic church that did not enter union from schism. |
| Italo-Albanian CatholicByzantine | Never formally separated |
Byzantine-rite communities in southern Italy and Sicily descended from Greek settlements; never entered Eastern Orthodoxy. Their continued existence represents the oldest continuous Byzantine Catholic presence in the Western Church. |
| Ukrainian Greek CatholicByzantine | 1596 Union of Brest |
The bishops of the Ruthenian Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, seeking ecclesiastical protections from both Latin encroachment and imperial politics, entered communion with Rome. The union split the Ruthenian church — a division that persists to this day. Now the largest Byzantine Catholic church, numbering c. 5 million faithful. |
| Ruthenian CatholicByzantine | 1646 Union of Uzhhorod |
Sixty-three Carpathian clergy united with Rome at Uzhhorod Castle, in territory under Habsburg rule. The Habsburg court, preferring Catholic subjects, encouraged the union. The church today serves Carpatho-Rusyn communities in Slovakia, Hungary, and the United States. |
| Romanian Greek CatholicByzantine | 1700 |
The Transylvanian Orthodox bishops, in territory under Habsburg control, signed a union with Rome at the Synod of Alba Iulia. The church grew to over 1.5 million faithful before being forcibly liquidated by Communist Romania in 1948. Its bishops were imprisoned; seven became martyrs, beatified by Pope Francis in 2019. |
| Melkite Greek CatholicByzantine | 1724 |
The death of the Antiochian patriarch sparked a contested election. The pro-Roman faction elected Patriarch Cyril VI (Seraphim Tanas), who formally entered communion with Rome. The Ecumenical Patriarch installed a rival. Two lines of the Antiochian succession have existed ever since — one Catholic, one Orthodox. |
| Greek Catholic (Greece)Byzantine | 1829 |
A small community of Greek converts established a Byzantine Catholic presence in Greece following Greek independence. The community remains small (<10,000) but canonically distinct, serving as a quiet witness to Catholic-Orthodox reconciliation on Greek soil. |
| Coptic CatholicAlexandrian | 1741 / 1895 Formal patriarchate |
Bishop Amba Athanasius of Jerusalem entered communion with Rome in 1741, founding the Coptic Catholic Church. The community remained small and intermittent until 1895, when a formal Catholic Coptic patriarchate was established. The liturgy is identical to that of the Coptic Orthodox Church. |
| Ethiopian CatholicAlexandrian | 1930 |
Formal Catholic mission to Ethiopia, building on centuries of Franciscan and Capuchin missionary activity. The Ethiopian Catholic Church uses the Ge’ez liturgical tradition identical to the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. The Eritrean Catholic Church separated as a distinct body in 2015 following Eritrean national independence. |
| Syriac CatholicWest Syriac | 1783 |
Patriarch Michael III Jarweh of the Syriac Orthodox Church converted to Catholicism and entered communion with Rome, founding the Syriac Catholic Church. The liturgy derives from the ancient West Syriac Antiochian tradition, one of the oldest liturgical families in Christianity. |
| Syro-Malankara CatholicWest Syriac | 1930 |
Metropolitan Mar Ivanios and Bishop Mar Theophilus of the Malankara Jacobite Church voluntarily entered communion with Rome, founding the Syro-Malankara Catholic Church in Kerala, India. The union was entirely voluntary, driven by theological conviction rather than political pressure — one of the clearest modern examples of free ecumenical reunion. |
| Chaldean CatholicEast Syriac | 1553 / 1830 Formal patriarchate |
In 1553, Patriarch Yohannan Sulaqa of a dissident faction of the Church of the East traveled to Rome and was confirmed as patriarch by Pope Julius III — the first formal union with any part of the ancient Nestorian tradition. The patriarchate was formalized in 1830. The Chaldean Catholic Church today is the principal Christian community of Iraq, numbering c. 600,000 faithful. |
| Syro-Malabar CatholicEast Syriac | 1599 Synod of Diamper |
The ancient Thomas Christians of Kerala — claiming apostolic foundation by St. Thomas the Apostle, in communion with the Church of the East — were brought into union with Rome by the Portuguese-convened Synod of Diamper. The union was not freely made: it involved the destruction of ancient Syriac liturgical books and the imposition of Latin forms. Subsequent centuries have involved the gradual recovery of the East Syriac heritage. Now the second-largest Eastern Catholic church, c. 4 million faithful. |
| Armenian CatholicArmenian | 1742 |
Abraham Ardzivian, a Catholic-sympathizing bishop of the Armenian Apostolic Church, was elected Patriarch of Cilicia and entered formal communion with Rome in 1742, founding the Armenian Catholic Church. The church suffered catastrophically in the Armenian Genocide of 1915–1923, losing most of its Anatolian faithful. It now numbers c. 150,000, primarily in Lebanon, Syria, and the diaspora. |
How They Came Into Being
The Eastern Catholic churches came into being through a variety of historical paths, not all of them equally free of political pressure or ecclesiastical abuse. Honesty about this is part of the Foundation series’ commitment to the truth of the historical record.
Some unions were genuinely voluntary expressions of theological conviction. The Melkite Greek Catholic Church traces its formal union to the early eighteenth century, when the Patriarch of Antioch Cyril VI, after years of dialogue with Rome, formally entered communion in 1724. The Chaldean union developed through contact between Rome and the ancient Church of the East, partly through the missionary work of Dominican and Franciscan friars in Mesopotamia.
Other unions were more politically entangled. The Union of Brest (1596), which created the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, was concluded between the bishops of the Ruthenian Church (then under Polish-Lithuanian rule) and Rome, in part because those bishops sought the political protections that union with Rome would provide. Some of their flock did not follow. The Union of Uzhhorod (1646) similarly united Ruthenian clergy in Habsburg-controlled territory with Rome, partly under pressure from the imperial court, which preferred Catholic subjects to Orthodox ones.
The historical formation of the Eastern Catholic churches is therefore mixed: genuine theological conviction on the part of many, political opportunism on the part of some, and coercion or manipulation in specific instances. Foundation Article I named the specific abuses — the Synod of Zamość (1720), the Synod of Diamper (1599), the treatment of Alexis Toth in the United States — and those abuses were real. The Orthodox critique that the Eastern Catholic churches were at times instruments of Catholic proselytism in Orthodox territories has a historical basis, and the 1993 Balamand Declaration addressed this, whatever its excesses in the other direction.
None of this changes what the Eastern Catholic communities are now. Whatever the circumstances of their union with Rome, they have built communities, produced saints and martyrs, developed theological schools, and lived the Catholic faith for generations. They are not a historical accident to be regretted. They are a living inheritance to be honored.
The Latinization Problem: Honest Naming
After union with Rome, many Eastern Catholic communities experienced pressure — institutional, theological, and cultural — to conform to Latin practice. This is the Latinization problem, and it is impossible to tell the Eastern Catholic story honestly without it.
The pattern was consistent: Eastern Catholics in communion with Rome would, over time, find their liturgical books revised to include Latin theological emphases, their calendar adjusted to match Latin feasts, their theology pushed toward scholastic categories, and their priests told that ordaining married men was permissible in the old country but not in America. The underlying assumption, rarely stated openly but consistently acted upon, was that the Latin way was the normal Catholic way and Eastern practice was a temporary accommodation awaiting eventual correction.
The Synod of Zamość (1720): Held by Ruthenian Greek Catholics under a papal nuncio, this synod inserted the Filioque into the Byzantine Creed, imposed Latin feast days, abolished the zeon (the warm water added to the chalice at the Fraction — an ancient and symbolically significant Byzantine practice), and reoriented Eucharistic theology away from the Eastern emphasis on the epiclesis. A synod held under Roman auspices had modified the Byzantine liturgy in the direction of Rome.
The Synod of Diamper (1599): The ancient East Syriac liturgical books of the Thomas Christians of India — a community tracing its origins to the apostolic mission of St. Thomas, with liturgical texts of extraordinary antiquity — were ordered burned and replaced with Latinized versions. A Christian heritage older than most of European Christianity was partly destroyed in the name of conformity.
The United States, 1889–1929: Archbishop John Ireland of St. Paul refused in 1889 to recognize the Byzantine Catholic priest Alexis Toth as a valid Catholic clergyman, on the grounds that Toth was married. Toth led his Minneapolis parish into Russian Orthodoxy. By 1916, 163 Eastern Catholic parishes and 100,000 faithful had followed. Rome’s 1907 decree Ea Semper and the 1929 decree Cum Data Fuerit then formally prohibited the ordination of married men in Eastern Catholic churches in America — an accommodation to Latin-rite prejudice that had no doctrinal basis. The married priesthood is a legitimate Eastern tradition, not a disciplinary exception to be suppressed.
These abuses were real and require honest acknowledgment. They are also largely historical. The Second Vatican Council’s Orientalium Ecclesiarum (1964) repudiated the Latinization program in explicit terms and called for the recovery of authentic Eastern traditions. Pope John Paul II’s Orientale Lumen (1995) went further, describing the Eastern traditions as a permanent gift to the universal Church rather than a temporary phase in a process of Latin absorption. The recovery since Vatican II has been real, uneven, and still in progress — but it is happening.
Vatican II and the Recovery
Orientalium Ecclesiarum, the Second Vatican Council’s Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches (November 21, 1964), is a short document with long consequences. Its opening sentence establishes the theological ground: “The Catholic Church holds in high esteem the institutions, liturgical rites, ecclesiastical traditions and the established standards of the Christian life of the Eastern Churches, for in them, distinguished as they are for their venerable antiquity, there is clearly evident the tradition which has come from the Apostles through the Fathers.”
The decree mandated the restoration of authentic Eastern practices where they had been suppressed. It confirmed the right of Eastern Catholics to their own canonical disciplines. It emphasized that no Eastern Catholic should be compelled to conform to Latin practice, and that Eastern Catholics living in the West were not to be absorbed into Latin-rite dioceses as second-class Catholics. Most significantly, it affirmed what the Latinization era had practically denied: the Eastern rites are not inferior to the Latin rite. They are different expressions of the one apostolic faith, with their own dignity, their own theological richness, and their own permanent place in the Church.
History, tradition and abundant ecclesiastical institutions bear outstanding witness to the great merit owing to the Eastern Churches by the universal Church. The Sacred Council, therefore, not only accords to this ecclesiastical and spiritual heritage the high regard which is its due and rightful praise, but also unhesitatingly looks on it as the heritage of the universal Church of Christ.Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches, November 21, 1964
The practical recovery has been most visible in the larger Eastern Catholic churches. The Melkite Greek Catholic Church, in particular, has been a consistent advocate for Eastern identity within the Catholic communion. No figure embodies this advocacy more than Patriarch Maximos IV Saigh (1878–1967), who became perhaps the most dramatic Eastern Catholic voice at Vatican II itself.
When Patriarch Maximos IV Saigh of the Melkites rose to address the Council Fathers at Vatican II, he did something no one expected: he spoke in French. Not Latin. At an ecumenical council of the Roman Catholic Church, the Melkite Patriarch addressed his brother bishops in French — and did so every time he spoke. It was not an accident or a language difficulty. It was a deliberate, public statement.
His reasoning was explicit: Latin was the language of the Western Church, not the universal Church. He, as a patriarch of the East, was not subject to Latin as the Church’s normative tongue. His refusing to speak Latin was a theological act — a living demonstration, before the entire assembled episcopate of the Catholic Church, that being Catholic did not mean being Latin.
His interventions shaped the Council’s treatment of the Eastern churches. He pushed back against proposals that would have reduced the Eastern Catholic patriarchates to the equivalent of Latin dioceses. He argued that the Council’s documents must acknowledge the equality of the Eastern and Western traditions, not merely the Eastern churches’ rights to “preserve” their rites as a kind of museum-piece exception. Orientalium Ecclesiarum bears his fingerprints throughout. He died in November 1967, months after the Council’s close, having spent his last decade fighting for the identity of the Eastern Catholic world from within the highest councils of the Church he served.
The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, after its resurrection from Soviet suppression, has rebuilt its liturgical and theological life with renewed commitment to its Byzantine heritage. The Syro-Malabar Church in India has engaged in a decade-long internal debate about the restoration of its ancient liturgy — a debate that reflects the continuing tension between Eastern identity and the Latin influences absorbed during the colonial period, but also reflects a living community wrestling seriously with who it is and where it comes from.
The Ukrainian Greek Catholics: The Emblematic Case
If you want to understand what Eastern Catholicism is — what it costs, what it means, what it witnesses to — you do not begin with canon law or liturgical typology. You begin in western Ukraine in 1946.
The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church was founded at the Union of Brest in 1596, when the bishops of the Ruthenian Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entered communion with Rome. It survived centuries of Polish, Austrian, and Russian rule, maintaining its Byzantine liturgy and Eastern identity through political regimes that alternately persecuted and patronized it. By the early twentieth century it numbered several million faithful in western Ukraine, with a vibrant intellectual and spiritual life centered at the Greek Catholic Theological Academy in Lviv.
In April 1945, Soviet authorities arrested Metropolitan Josyf Slipyj of Lviv and all the Greek Catholic bishops they could find. In March 1946, a synod was convened in Lviv under Soviet supervision, at which a group of priests — under duress, without their bishops, without canonical legitimacy — voted to “reunify” the Greek Catholic Church with the Russian Orthodox Church. The church was officially declared to have ceased to exist. Its parishes were handed to the Russian Orthodox. Its clergy who refused to comply were arrested. Its faithful were told they were now Russian Orthodox whether they wished to be or not.
Metropolitan Josyf Slipyj spent eighteen years in Soviet labor camps. Released in 1963 through Vatican diplomatic negotiations under Pope John XXIII, he arrived in Rome and spent the rest of his life there, dying in 1984. Pope Paul VI created him a Cardinal in 1965 — an honor he bore not in a Roman palace but as a survivor of the gulag. He never stopped calling himself the Archbishop of Lviv.
Bishop Theodore Romzha of Mukachevo was killed in 1947 by Soviet agents who arranged a “traffic accident” and then, when he survived, had him poisoned with curare in hospital. He was beatified by Pope John Paul II in 2001.
Bishop Vasyl Velychkovsky was arrested by Soviet authorities in 1945, sentenced to death, and had the sentence commuted to a labor camp. He was released around 1955. He was then arrested a second time in 1969, sentenced to death again, had that sentence commuted, and was finally expelled from the Soviet Union in 1972. He died in Winnipeg, Canada, shortly after his arrival in 1973. He was beatified in 2001.
In total, Pope John Paul II beatified 27 martyrs of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Lviv in June 2001 — bishops, priests, monks, and laypeople who died rather than renounce their faith and their communion with Rome. The beatification took place in Ukraine, on Ukrainian soil, before hundreds of thousands of faithful. It was John Paul’s first visit to the country. He wept.
The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church survived the Soviet liquidation not through institutional mechanisms but through the blood of its martyrs and the tenacity of its underground faithful. Priests celebrated the Divine Liturgy in private homes, in forests, in secret. The faithful transmitted the faith to their children without priests, without churches, without any visible institutional presence. When the Soviet Union collapsed and the Church resurfaced in 1990, it emerged — bruised, diminished, but recognizably itself — from forty-four years of clandestine existence.
The Russian Orthodox Church, which had received the Greek Catholic churches and clergy under Soviet coercion, did not return them. The resulting dispute over church buildings in western Ukraine was bitter, sometimes violent, and remains partially unresolved. It is one of the reasons the 1993 Balamand Declaration failed to earn the trust of the Ukrainian Greek Catholics, who felt that Rome was apologizing for their existence to the same church that had collaborated in their suppression.
What the Ukrainian Greek Catholic story demonstrates is this: these are people who chose Rome. Not under comfortable circumstances, not as a theoretical ecclesiological preference, but at the cost of their bishops’ freedom, their priests’ lives, and their community’s institutional existence. They chose full communion with the Bishop of Rome, and they paid for it. And they are Byzantine. Every liturgical note, every icon, every prayer of the Divine Liturgy is Byzantine. They are not Latin Catholics who happen to chant in Church Slavonic. They are the Eastern Church, in full, visible, bloodstained communion with Peter.
Ukraine Was Not Alone: Romania, Slovakia, the Same Pattern
What happened to the Ukrainian Greek Catholics in 1946 happened to the Romanian Greek Catholics in 1948. Communist Romania forcibly liquidated the Romanian Greek Catholic Church in an almost exact parallel: all the bishops were arrested when they refused to “reunify” with the Romanian Orthodox Church under state direction; parishes were handed over; faithful were told their church no longer existed. Six bishops died in prison. One died under house arrest in 1970.
That last bishop, Iuliu Hossu, carries perhaps the most haunting detail of the entire Eastern Catholic martyrdom story. In 1969, Pope Paul VI secretly named Hossu a Cardinal in pectore — a Cardinal “in the heart,” whose name is held privately by the Pope and not publicly announced, usually to protect the recipient from danger. Hossu was dying in Communist detention. The announcement was never made in his lifetime. He died on June 28, 1970 — as far as he knew, a forgotten prisoner. He never knew he had been named to the College of Cardinals. Rome knew. God knew. That was enough for Paul VI. It was, in its quiet way, one of the most powerful gestures any pope has made in the modern era: honoring a man with the Church’s highest dignity precisely because the world had made him invisible.
Pope Francis beatified all seven Romanian Greek Catholic martyrs at Blaj, Romania, on June 2, 2019. In Slovakia, Blessed Pavol Gojdič — Greek Catholic bishop of Prešov, who died in prison in 1960 rather than renounce Rome — was beatified in 2001, along with Blessed Vasil’ Hopko, his auxiliary bishop, who survived fourteen years of imprisonment and torture.
Three countries. Three communist regimes. Three Eastern Catholic churches. The same choice. The same fidelity. The same cost.
Mother, Not Sister: The Ecclesiological Precision
The Eastern Catholic story illuminates an important ecclesiological precision that is easily confused in popular Catholic-Orthodox dialogue.
In ecumenical contexts, popes and patriarchs have sometimes used the language of “sister churches” to describe the relationship between Rome and Constantinople. The language is warm, accurate in a limited sense, and historically traceable to medieval usage. It has also been systematically misused to suggest something the Catholic Church does not teach: that the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church are two equal halves of a divided whole, neither of which has a valid claim over the other, and between which the Church of Christ can be re-established through negotiated reunion as between partners of equal standing.
The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith addressed this directly in its 2000 Note on the Expression “Sister Churches,” signed by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger. The note distinguished between two levels:
In the proper sense, sister Churches are exclusively particular Churches (or groupings of particular Churches) among themselves. It must always be clear, when the expression “sister Churches” is used in this proper sense, that the one, holy, Catholic and apostolic Universal Church is not sister but mother of all the particular Churches. One may also speak of sister Churches, in a proper sense, in reference to particular Catholic and non-Catholic Churches; thus the particular Church of Rome can also be called the sister of all other particular Churches. However… one cannot properly say that the Catholic Church is the sister of a particular Church or group of Churches. This is not merely a question of terminology, but above all of respecting a basic truth of the Catholic faith: that of the unicity of the Church of Jesus Christ.Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, June 30, 2000. Signed by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, Prefect.
The theologian Erik Ybarra has summarized the pastoral consequence of this precision clearly: when one leaves Catholicism for Eastern Orthodoxy, one is, in Catholic doctrine, leaving the one Church that Christ founded — the Mother, not departing from a sister. In practical terms, the departure is different in kind from leaving for Protestantism, because the Orthodox retain valid orders, a valid Eucharist, and the apostolic faith in full. But it remains, in Catholic theological terms, a departure from the Mother Church — not a lateral move between equals.
This is where the Eastern Catholic churches provide the most theologically clarifying witness in the entire Catholic-Orthodox dialogue. They demonstrate that the Mother Church does not demand that her children lose their Eastern identity in order to return home. The 27 beatified Ukrainian martyrs, the Melkite patriarch presenting his Byzantine liturgy to the Pope in Rome, the Syro-Malabar faithful in Kerala receiving the East Syriac Eucharist under the authority of Rome — all of these are the Mother Church saying to the East: come home. Not as Latin Catholics. As yourselves.
What the Eastern Catholics Tell Us
The existence of twenty-three Eastern Catholic churches in full communion with Rome is not merely an interesting historical fact. It is a theological argument — one made not in words but in liturgy, in martyrdom, and in the ordinary life of communities that have chosen, and repeatedly re-chosen, to be both Eastern and Catholic.
They tell us that the Catholic Church is genuinely catholic — not in the pale sense of geographically widespread, but in the original sense of kata holos: according to the whole. The Church of Christ is not the Roman rite writ large. It is a communion of particular churches, each with its own liturgical inheritance, each drawing from the apostolic deposit in its own theological language, each contributing something to the full picture of what the universal Church looks like. The Eastern Catholic churches are not guests at Rome’s table. They are members of the household.
They tell us that the path to reunion does not require the Orthodox to become something they are not. The Melkite Patriarch who stands in full communion with Rome uses the same Divine Liturgy as the Greek Orthodox Patriarch who does not. The difference between them is not liturgical. It is one specific question of church governance: whether the Bishop of Rome holds a universal jurisdiction that is binding on all particular churches. That is a real question, with real theological stakes. The Ravenna and Chieti dialogue documents represent genuine progress toward an answer both sides can receive. But it is one question, not a demand that the East abandon its entire theological and liturgical inheritance.
They tell us that people have chosen Rome freely, not only under the gun. In 1930, Metropolitan Mar Ivanios — one of the most respected bishops of the Jacobite Syriac Orthodox Church in India — converted to Catholicism along with several clergy, founding what became the Syro-Malankara Catholic Church. He did it under no political pressure. He was not seeking protection from a hostile state. He gave up his position, his community, his standing, and the respect of many who had venerated him — voluntarily, in full awareness of the cost. He had studied the Catholic theological tradition, concluded that communion with Rome was what the apostolic faith required, and acted on it. His cause for beatification is currently under consideration in Rome. The Eastern Catholic churches are not only a story of people driven to Rome by political circumstance. They are also a story of people who looked at the theological arguments and chose.
On June 3, 2007, Father Ragheed Ganni — a Chaldean Catholic priest, the grandson of refugees from the Seyfo massacre of 1915, a man who had studied theology in Rome and returned home to serve his people in Mosul — was shot dead along with three subdeacons outside Holy Spirit Church after Sunday Mass. Gunmen stopped his car, ordered him to convert to Islam or close his church, and killed him when he refused.
He was thirty-five years old. He had received death threats for months. Friends had urged him to leave. His reported response: “I cannot close the house of God.”
Father Ragheed’s beatification cause was formally opened in 2018. He is one face of the Chaldean Catholic Church — the ancient church of Mesopotamia, the inheritor of the apostolic mission in the East, in full communion with Rome — which has lost tens of thousands of faithful to emigration and violence in the years since 2003. The Eastern Catholic martyrs are not only a Cold War story. They are a living story. They are happening now.
They tell us that the wounds of history can be healed. The Ukrainian Greek Catholic martyrs chose Rome under conditions that make their choice almost incomprehensible to Western Catholics who have never been asked to pay anything for their faith. They are not a reproach to the comfortable. They are a witness that the Catholic claim about the Church Christ founded is worth dying for — and that “the Church Christ founded” is big enough, ancient enough, and Eastern enough to include the Divine Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom.
Come Home
This article is the last in The Foundation series — five articles designed to give the uninitiated Catholic the historical, theological, and ecclesiological context they need to understand the Catholic-Orthodox question before engaging the Division series’ deeper theological debates.
The Foundation has covered: the history of the separation (Article I), who the Orthodox are (Article II), why 1054 is the wrong date and what the right dates are (Article III), what the Catholic Church officially teaches about the Orthodox (Article IV), and now, what the Eastern Catholic churches demonstrate about what reunion can and should look like (Article V).
The Answer to the Question
Does coming home to Rome mean becoming Latin?
No. The twenty-three Eastern Catholic churches answer this question every time they celebrate the Divine Liturgy, every time a Coptic Catholic priest offers the ancient Alexandrian anaphora, every time a Syro-Malabar faithful receives the East Syriac Eucharist in a Kerala village that has been Christian since the first century.
The Mother Church — and she is Mother, not Sister, as the CDF has clarified — does not demand that her children erase themselves in order to come home. She does not ask the Byzantine East to abandon its liturgy, its theology, its married priests, its icons, its chanting, or its apophatic tradition. She asks one thing: recognition of the visible principle of unity that Christ entrusted to Peter and Peter’s successors. Not submission to Latin culture. Not absorption into the Roman rite. The visible unity of the one, holy, catholic, and apostolic Church around the Petrine ministry.
That is the invitation. The Eastern Catholic churches are the invitation made visible. The Ukrainian martyrs are the invitation made costly. The Melkite patriarch at the Roman synod, chanting in Arabic the liturgy that Chrysostom wrote, is the invitation made beautiful. Come home. Bring the East with you. It belongs here.
- Second Vatican Council, Orientalium Ecclesiarum (Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches, November 21, 1964). The foundational conciliar text; mandated the recovery of authentic Eastern traditions and affirmed the permanent value of the Eastern rites.
- Pope John Paul II, Orientale Lumen (Apostolic Letter on Eastern Churches, May 2, 1995). The most developed papal statement on the Eastern tradition as permanent gift to the universal Church; essential reading.
- Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Note on the Expression “Sister Churches” (June 30, 2000), signed by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger. Distinguishes proper and improper use of the phrase; clarifies that the universal Catholic Church is Mother, not Sister, of all particular churches.
- Ronald Roberson, C.S.P., The Eastern Christian Churches: A Brief Survey, 7th ed. (Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute, 2008). The standard Catholic reference work on the Eastern Catholic churches; accurate, readable, comprehensive.
- Borys Gudziak, Crisis and Reform: The Kyivan Metropolitanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Genesis of the Union of Brest (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1998). The definitive scholarly treatment of the Union of Brest (1596) and its context.
- Serge Keleher, Passion and Resurrection: The Greek Catholic Church in Soviet Ukraine, 1939–1989 (Lviv: Stauropegion, 1993). The history of the Soviet liquidation and clandestine survival of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.
- Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and the Soviet State (1939–1950) (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1996). Scholarly treatment of the 1946 liquidation and its mechanisms.
- Pope John Paul II, Homily at the Beatification of 27 Martyrs of Ukraine, Lviv, June 27, 2001. Available at vatican.va. John Paul’s address at the beatification of Ukrainian Greek Catholic martyrs on Ukrainian soil.
- Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches (Codex Canonum E
The Foundation — Article 5 of 5